skip to main |
skip to sidebar
Presidents use their inaugural addresses as an opportunity to talk
about the future. But when they take the oath of office for a second
time, they also use it to talk about the past.
Franklin Roosevelt used his second inaugural address, which many
consider his best, to define the New Deal—not as a one-time reaction to a
national economic crisis, but as a “new chapter in our book of
self-government.” He proclaimed a “new order of things” in which “the
test of our progress is not whether we add more ot the abundance of
those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have
too little.” Ronald Reagan used his second address, effectively, to
declare Roosevelt’s era over. Reagan framed his first term as an
antidote to the era when “we asked things of government that government
was not equipped to give” and proof that “freedom and incentives unleash
the drive and entrepreneurial genius that are the core of human
progress.”
Perhaps President Obama had those speeches in mind today, because he
too used the occasion to define his first term—in ways, perhaps, that
will last long beyond his presidency. If his first inaugural address was
a vision of a better politics, then this address was a vision of a
better society—a progressive vision in which government acts boldly to
protect the weak, to promote economic growth, and to solve the problems
we cannot solve on our own.
The contrast to 2009 was striking. That workmanlike speech was, above
all, a call for less partisan fighting. “The time has come to set aside
childish things,” Obama said in 2009, making a plea for national unity.
It was an honorable effort and, ultimately, a futile one. As Obama
would soon learn, his political critics were already strategizing to
oppose him at every turn.
But despite this resistance, Obama accomplished a great deal, more
than even many of his supporters realized at the time. He stopped the
country from falling into depression, laying the groundwork for future
economic prosperity; he brought new regulation to Wall Street and made
the tax code more progressive; he saved the auto industry and the
communities that depend upon it; and he put in a place a program to make
health insurance available to all. Even allowing for all of the
missteps and missed opportunities, that's an impressive list.
With this speech, Obama made clear that these efforts were more than
haphazard responses to crises. They were, Obama said, reaffirmation of
the idea that we need energetic, activist government. He started by
quoting the Declaration of Independence and the need to guarantee “life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” for all Americans. But unlike
Reagan, who saw government as an impediment to liberty, Obama said he
believed that government was liberty's protector. “We have always
understood that when times change, so must we,” Obama said, “that
fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new
challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires
collective action.”
From there, Obama’s rejection of economic conservatism—the impulse to do less, rather than more—became more explicit:
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires
railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and
colleges to train our workers. …Together, we discovered that a free
market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair
play. … Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the
vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and
misfortune.”
Lest anybody mistake him for a socialist, Obama stated that “Our
celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work
and personal responsibility, are constants in our character.” But after
that acknowledgement, he reaffirmed the commitments to the welfare
state, by reminding Americans of what they truly have in common—a
vulnerability to misfortune. And he issued a sharp, explicit rejection
of the idea that government help breeds dependency.
We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our
lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden
illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we
make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security
– these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do
not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make
this country great.
Stated that way, these ideas may seem relatively uncontroversial—who
doesn’t think government should protect the weak? Who doesn't think
government can do things to foster prosperity? But in the last four
years Republicans and their allies have revealed they believe those
things. They have voted to end guarantees of economic security for the
poor, elderly, and infirmed—and they have, most recently, even
questioned help for natural disaster victims. Today Obama made clear
that he believes those critics are wrong and that he interprets his
reelection as proof the American people agree with him.
Obama also described how he hopes to apply this vision in the next
four years, most explicitly with a new effort to address climate change,
which represents not just unfinished business from the first term but
perhaps humanity’s greatest challenge for the future. Obama warned
supporters not to expect too much of the next four years: “We must act,
knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that
today’s victories will be only partial.”
0 commentaires:
Enregistrer un commentaire